Kenya Kwanza’s coalition agreements leading up to the 2022 general election promised a power-sharing framework that would benefit various political figures and regions based on their contributions to President William Ruto’s campaign. However, recent revelations suggest that some prominent political players were left with nothing, despite having signed agreements before the polls. Former governors William Kabogo and Martin Wambora are among the most high-profile casualties, with their parties, Tujibebe Wakenya Party and Devolution Party of Kenya (DPK), failing to secure any significant government positions or projects. This article delves into the details of these skewed agreements and examines why some leaders ended up empty-handed, while others benefited significantly from the coalition’s power-sharing arrangement.
The Pre-Poll Agreements and Their Fallout
The Kenya Kwanza Coalition, comprising various political parties, was formed as a strategic vehicle for winning the 2022 general election. President William Ruto, who was then Deputy President, sought to bring together as many political figures as possible to secure a broader base of support across Kenya. In the process, several agreements were signed with key political figures, including Kabogo, Wambora, and others like Musalia Mudavadi of the Amani National Congress (ANC) and Moses Wetang’ula of Ford Kenya.
While some parties like Mudavadi’s ANC and Wetang’ula’s Ford Kenya managed to secure significant positions in Ruto’s administration, others, like Kabogo and Wambora, were sidelined. The key factor in this exclusion lies in the nature of the deals signed between the parties and the Kenya Kwanza Coalition. According to the coalition agreements revealed by The Star, Kabogo’s Tujibebe Wakenya Party and Wambora’s DPK failed to negotiate specific seats in the national government. In contrast, ANC secured the position of Prime Cabinet Secretary (PCS), a powerful role in Ruto’s government.
The Unequal Distribution of Government Positions
One of the key aspects of the Kenya Kwanza agreements was the allocation of government positions based on party performance and contributions to the coalition’s success. For instance, Musalia Mudavadi’s ANC was promised the creation of the Prime Cabinet Secretary position within 14 days of Ruto being sworn in. This position would assist both the President and his deputy in coordinating national government functions, overseeing policy implementation, and chairing legislative agenda coordination. Wetang’ula’s Ford Kenya also secured the influential role of Speaker of the National Assembly.
These positions were critical in ensuring that Mudavadi and Wetang’ula, both from Western Kenya, could push for development projects in their home regions. The coalition also reserved 30% of national government appointments for ANC and Ford Kenya, including positions for Cabinet Secretaries, Principal Secretaries, ambassadors, and state corporation heads. The parties further negotiated for specific regional development projects, such as completing stalled bitumen road projects and revitalizing key industries like sugar factories in Mumias and Nzoia.
In contrast, Kabogo’s Tujibebe and Wambora’s DPK signed vague agreements that did not specify any government positions. Instead, these agreements hinged on their parties’ performance in the August 2022 general election. They were promised a share of national government appointments proportional to the number of elected members in the County Assemblies, National Assembly, and Senate, as well as the overall effort they put into the presidential campaign.
Kabogo and Wambora’s Political Fallout
Unfortunately for Kabogo and Wambora, their parties performed poorly in the elections. Tujibebe Wakenya Party and DPK did not secure significant numbers of elected officials, leaving them without the leverage needed to demand a share of the national government positions. This failure meant that despite being part of the Kenya Kwanza Coalition, Kabogo and Wambora were left out of the power-sharing equation, a situation that starkly contrasts with the success of parties like ANC and Ford Kenya.
Moses Kuria, leader of Chama Cha Kazi, and Justin Muturi of the Democratic Party, on the other hand, fared better due to their parties’ election victories. Kuria and Muturi both secured significant roles in Ruto’s government, thanks to their parties winning seats in the National Assembly and County Assemblies. This further highlights the skewed nature of the Kenya Kwanza power-sharing arrangement, where success in the polls directly translated into government appointments.
Regional Promises and Development Projects
The pre-election deals also included promises of regional development projects aimed at solidifying political support in key regions. Western Kenya, represented by ANC and Ford Kenya, was promised several development initiatives, including the construction of 1,000 kilometers of bitumen roads, revitalization of sugar factories, and the establishment of manufacturing, agro-processing, and fishing projects. These promises were designed to ensure that Mudavadi and Wetang’ula could deliver tangible benefits to their constituencies.
In the coastal region, Pamoja African Alliance (PAA) led by Senate Speaker Amason Kingi also secured significant development promises. The coalition agreed to revert port operations to Mombasa from inland depots in Nairobi and Naivasha, a move that was expected to create jobs and boost the local economy. Additionally, the government committed to reviving industries like cashew nuts, coconuts, and Bixa, as well as addressing historical land injustices and enhancing the protection of local communities’ economic activities through reforms of the Coast Guard Act.
These regional development promises were a critical component of the Kenya Kwanza Coalition’s strategy to secure votes in diverse regions. However, the uneven fulfillment of these promises has led to discontent among some coalition members, particularly those whose regions have yet to see the promised benefits.
The Role of Power and “Shareholding”
Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua’s recent statements on “shareholding” within the Kenya Kwanza Coalition have further fueled tensions. Gachagua suggested that regions and political figures who contributed significantly to Ruto’s victory should receive a proportional share of government positions and resources. His remarks have been at the center of an impeachment case against him, but they also reveal the underlying logic of the Kenya Kwanza power-sharing arrangement.
The coalition’s power-sharing deals were largely transactional, with political figures and regions bargaining for a piece of the national government in exchange for their support. This “shareholding” concept has created divisions within the coalition, as leaders like Kabogo and Wambora, who failed to secure enough electoral success, have been left without government positions despite their early support for Ruto’s campaign.
Conclusion
The fallout from Kenya Kwanza’s pre-election deals underscores the transactional nature of political alliances in Kenya. While some parties like ANC and Ford Kenya successfully secured influential government positions and development projects for their regions, others like Tujibebe Wakenya Party and Devolution Party of Kenya were left empty-handed. The unequal distribution of power within the coalition has led to discontent among some members, raising questions about the long-term stability of the Kenya Kwanza alliance. As President Ruto continues to navigate these internal divisions, the challenge will be to balance the competing demands of coalition partners while delivering on the promises made to voters across the country.
